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By James Russell Lowell

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Vann Woodward, ed. J. Morgan Kousser and James M. McPherson (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), 143–77 (quotations at 156 and 158); see also her “Slavery, Race and Ideology in the United States of America,” New Left Review 181 (May/June 1990): 95–118. 49 Although she does not treat the Reconstruction period in detail, Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore, Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White Supremacy in North Carolina, 1896– 1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), is noteworthy for its influence on many of the historians discussed hereafter.

Historians have long recognized that one of planters’ complaints after emancipation was that freedwomen and children withdrew from the sort of regular field labor they had performed as slaves; one of the benefits of the sharecropping system, from the landlord’s perspective, was that the assignment of plots of land to individual families served as at least a partial means to “recover” that lost labor. In her study of the South Carolina lowcountry, Schwalm challenges the notion that black women—who had been the “backbone of the field labor force” as slaves—withdrew into their own families and households after emancipation.

Although timber production did not soar until the 1880s, the foundations were laid in the 1870s, when northern and British speculators began amassing huge tracts of forest—sometimes in conjunction with railroad building, and also by the purchase of federal and tax-delinquent land. The very qualities that are often cited as making the timber industry hard to study—the seasonal nature of labor and the transient character of logging crews in search of new timber—may hold some of the keys to its importance.

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