By Sarwar Kashmeri
American international coverage towards Europe is merrily rolling alongside the trail of least resistance, within the trust that there's not anything fairly amiss with the European-American dating that multilateralism won't repair. now not real, argues Kashmeri. The alliance is useless, can't be mounted, and has to be renegotiated. It has now not grown to deal with Europe's emergence as an incredible energy. one of those usa of Europe, with overseas priorities various from these of the USA, has arrived at America's doorstep. yet the US continues to be forging overseas coverage for Europe utilizing chilly struggle realities; either Democrats and Republicans anticipate the eu Union to fall into step, and record for provider as needed—under American leadership.Europe, besides the fact that, has different plans, and because it turns into extra robust at the international degree, competing visions of eu management have emerged. The Iraq conflict has introduced them into stark reduction. for instance, as Kashmeri issues out, the Atlantic divide over Iraq used to be extra approximately French-British festival for management of Europe than it was once a couple of department among American ambitions and ecu objectives. He portrays British overseas coverage as out of contact with fact, as a coverage that has performed a disservice to the us as a result Blair government's exaggerated and self-serving view of the British-American distinctive dating. Kashmeri concludes with prescriptions for forging a brand new alliance in response to a different courting with the eu Union. This time table is electrified by means of the suggestions of the leaders who spoke to the writer in particular for this booklet, between them former president George H. W. Bush, former British leading minister John significant, James A. Baker III, Wesley okay. Clark, Brent Scowcroft, Paul Volcker, U.S. Senator Chuck Hagel, and Caspar W. Weinberger.
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Additional resources for America and Europe after 9 11 and Iraq: The Great Divide
Given this transatlantic unanimity of opinion on Iraq, it should have been the perfect crisis around which to build an AmericanEuropean consensus. But then it became a question of how and when to remove Hussein, and the strategy and tactics of “taking care” of him, and that is when it [the consensus] broke down. ” Given that nobody on either side of the Atlantic wanted to salvage Saddam Hussein, it must surely rank as one of America’s major diplomatic failures that it was unable to cobble together an Iraqi policy with the Europeans prior to launching a war.
A respected Midwesterner from Nebraska, Hagel always says what he believes, and in all the years I have known him, he has never changed his mind just to be on the popular side of a political debate. “You mentioned some of the past rifts, I’ll mention a couple more,” Hagel told me. “Vietnam for one, we had a major, major rift over Vietnam. Go back to the Fifties—Suez Canal was another. ” Hagel believes these transatlantic differences have always been there and will continue to be there, but the really important issue is how to resolve the differences without fracturing the relationship, and he is convinced Europe and America have been very successful at that in the past and will also repair this rift.
Such recessions cannot correct themselves and require strong corrective intervention, such as an immediate lowering of interest rates. If left to themselves, the recessions will just get worse and cause even further economic damage. “You have recessions and then you have structural recessions,” Clark told me. ” Although the subject of NATO and its continuing relevance will be explored in a later chapter, it is worth pointing out here that both Clark and Scowcroft believe the United States made a tragic mistake by refusing to include NATO in the coalition that fought the war in Afghanistan.